You have to admire the Republican chutzpah.
Still confronting a national scandal about
packing the Justice Department with “loyal
Bushies,” they pick a vice presidential
candidate who – in her two executive jobs in
Alaska – ousted top law-enforcement officials
because they were insufficiently loyal or not
malleable enough.
One of those firings has put
Gov. Sarah Palin at the center of an ongoing
legislative investigation that presumably will
require her to testify about whether she was
behind efforts by her husband and senior staff
to pressure the state’s public safety
commissioner to fire her ex-brother-in-law from
the state troopers.
When the commissioner, former Anchorage
police chief Walter Monegan, refused to go
along, he was summarily ousted by Palin without
much explanation.
Unless the Republicans can figure out a way
to block Palin’s sworn deposition, she will have
to either admit that she used her political
influence to wage a family vendetta or she must
face the risk that her continued denials of
involvement will be contradicted by her own
staff or by some other evidence.
However, if Palin admits that she did use her
government office to punish a personal enemy –
or that she fired the public safety commissioner
because he refused to join in her family feud –
the Republicans may have trouble continuing to
sell Palin as a reform-minded governor.
Instead, Palin would appear to fit more
neatly with Bush administration operatives who
engineered the firing of nine U.S. Attorneys in
2006 and who employed ideological litmus tests
in deciding who to hire for career jobs at the
Justice Department.
As Kyle Sampson, chief of staff to
then-Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, famously
put it: the motive for purging the federal
prosecutors was to eliminate those who were
deemed not “loyal Bushies.”
Some of the U.S. Attorneys, such as New
Mexico’s David Iglesias, had balked at political
pressure before Election 2006 to bring what the
prosecutors considered flimsy voter-fraud cases
against prominent Democrats.
Now it appears that Sarah Palin shares the
Bush administration's view about putting cronies
in key law-enforcement jobs, making hers act
like “loyal Palinistas.” As mayor of the tiny
town of Wasilla and as governor of Alaska, she
fired two top law-enforcement officials when
they didn’t show sufficient loyalty or obedience
to her.
Ousting the Chief
In 1996, after winning the election to be
mayor of Wasilla then with a population of about
5,000, Palin sought to oust six department heads
because they had signed a letter supporting the
previous mayor, their old boss. Palin ultimately
fired two of them, including the police chief.
Wasilla’s ousted police chief, Irl Stambaugh,
sued Palin in 1997 for alleged contract
violation, wrongful termination and gender
discrimination The police chief claimed Palin
fired him not for cause but for being disloyal
and because he was a man whose size – 6 feet and
200 pounds – intimidated her.
However, a federal judge dismissed
Stambaugh’s lawsuit.
So, having escaped any serious damage for
punishing Wasilla’s police chief for a supposed
lack of political loyalty, Palin had little
reason not to throw her weight around when she
became Alaska’s governor in December 2006.
By then, Palin was deeply involved in her
family’s vendetta against her sister’s
ex-husband, trooper Mike Wooten. Through
complaints to his superiors, Palin already had
helped engineer Wooten’s five-day suspension
from the state police earlier in 2006 for
various examples of personal misconduct.
In January 2007, a month into Palin’s term,
her husband, Todd, invited Palin’s new public
safety commissioner Monegan to the governor’s
office, where Todd Palin urged Monegan to reopen
the Wooten case. After checking on it, Monegan
informed Todd Palin that he couldn’t do anything
because the case was closed.
In an interview with the Washington Post,
Monegan said that a few days later, the governor
also called him about the Wooten matter and he
gave her the same answer. Monegan said Gov.
Palin brought the issue up again in a February
2007 meeting at the state capitol, prompting his
warning that she should back off.
However, Monegan said Gov. Palin kept
bringing the issue up indirectly through
e-mails, such as comparing another bad trooper
to “my former brother-in-law, or that trooper I
used to be related to.”
Monegan also began getting telephone calls
from Palin’s aides about trooper Wooten,
including from then-chief of staff Mike Tibbles;
Commissioner Annette Kreitzer of the Department
of Administration; and Attorney General Talis
Colberg.
Questioning ‘the Process’
Colberg acknowledged making the call, after
an inquiry from Todd Palin about “the process”
for handling a threatening trooper, and then
relaying back the response from Monegan that the
issue had been handled and nothing more could be
done.
Monegan also told the Post that he warned
each caller about the risk of exposing the state
to legal liability if Wooten filed a lawsuit.
However, Todd Palin continued collecting
evidence against Wooten and lobbying for his
dismissal. The governor’s husband acknowledged
giving Wooten’s boss, Col. Audie Holloway,
photos of Wooten driving a snowmobile while he
was out of work on a worker’s compensation
claim.
Alaska’s Deputy Attorney General Michael
Barnhill told the Post that a member of the
governor’s staff, personnel director Diane
Kiesel, also made at least one call to Col.
Holloway about the snowmobile incident.
[Washington Post, Aug. 31, 2008]
On July 11, 2008, Palin abruptly fired
Monegan, saying only that she wanted to take the
public safety department in a different
direction.
Monegan then went public with his account of
the mounting campaign against Wooten from the
governor’s family and staff. Monegan told the
Anchorage Daily News that Todd Palin showed him
the work of a private investigator, who had been
hired by the family to dig into Wooten’s life
and who was accusing the trooper of various
misdeeds, such as drunk driving and child abuse.
Though Palin insisted she wasn’t involved in
the pressure campaign, a review by the Attorney
General’s office found that half a dozen state
officials had made about two dozen phone calls
regarding Wooten.
A tape recording of one conversation –
between Palin’s chief of boards and commissions
Frank Bailey and police Lt. Rodney Dial in
February 2008 – revealed Bailey saying, “Todd
and Sarah are scratching their heads, ‘Why on
earth … is this guy still representing the
department?’”
Expanded Investigation
On Aug. 2, the state legislature launched its
own investigation into whether Palin “used her
public office to settle a private score.” A
bipartisan panel appointed special prosecutor
Steve Branchflower to investigate and report
back in a few months.
After Palin learned of Branchflower’s
appointment, she questioned whether the
investigation would be fair and objected to a
comment from Democratic state Sen. Hollis French
about the possibility that the case might lead
to the governor’s impeachment.
Palin’s spokeswoman Sharon Leighow said,
"Publicly elevating this to 'impeachment' raises
doubts as to how fair a process some senators
may intend for this to be." [Anchorage Daily
News, Aug. 2, 2008]
However, with Palin now Sen. John McCain’s
choice to be the next Vice President of the
United States – and with much of the national
news media hailing McCain’s “bold” choice of a
fellow “maverick” and “reformer” – it’s unclear
how far the state investigation will be allowed
to go.
Still, there is a risk to McCain’s campaign
that a deposition will either draw out from
Palin an admission that she abused her office to
pursue a personal vendetta or she will put
herself at risk of having a sworn statement
contradicted by others.
For a Republican Party that impeached – but
couldn’t ultimately remove – President Bill
Clinton for lying about a sex act, there might
be some discomfort about having to justify any
false statements by Sarah Palin.
But the Bush administration has demonstrated
how well it knows how to frustrate
investigations into Republican wrongdoing. For
seven years, the administration has deployed its
expansive claims of executive privilege and
other obstructive tactics to thwart all kinds of
fact-finding, including the probe into the
firing of the nine U.S. Attorneys.
Presumably, a similar cloak of protection
will now descend around Sarah Palin’s shoulders.